Investigativ

Transcript: Interview with Serhiy Vahanyan

Vahanyan: SBU blackmail reaching into Zelenskyy's inner circle.

Bargeldübergabe - Sommer 2021 - 6.000.000 Hrywnja - damsl ca 190.000 Euro- Runway FoB AI
Bargeldübergabe - Sommer 2021 - 6.000.000 Hrywnja - damals ca 190.000 Euro- Runway FoB AI
Alexander Surowiec
35 Min Read

In three sentences: After surviving an assassination attempt and fleeing to Austria in 2021, Ukrainian businessman Serhiy Vahanyan has exposed a billion-dollar extortion scheme within the SBU intelligence service that allegedly reaches President Zelenskyy’s inner circle. He reveals a system involving monthly protection fees of up to $10 million and a $20 million bribe offer for the governorship of Odesa. Currently living under police protection, Vahanyan has reportedly handed over explosive evidence to both the Ukrainian anti-corruption bureau NABU and the FBI.

Contents

Introduction

Alexander Surowiec:
Ladies and gentlemen, good afternoon. Today, we are discussing one of Ukraine’s largest corruption scandals—unfolding in the midst of a war. A system of extortion, protection money, and multi-million dollar payments, operated directly from within the Security Service of Ukraine, the SBU. An insider who was part of this system for years is speaking out today: about systematic slush funds in grain exports, luxury gifts, alleged connections reaching all the way up to President Zelenskyy—and the question of whether this corruption persists to this day.

My name is Alexander Surowiec, and I am the publisher of the investigative news hub „FoB.“ We are here in Vienna, and today I am speaking with the Ukrainian businessman Serhiy Vahanyan. Serhiy will be sharing his incredible story for the first time. You are a Ukrainian entrepreneur in the agricultural and environmental sectors and have been active in Ukraine for many years—including in regions such as Poltava, Kharkiv, Sumy, and Odesa.

Question 1: About Volodymyr Zelenskyy

Alexander Surowiec:
Many of you know him primarily from his announcements in the Ukrainian media starting January 1, 2026. Tell us, what was your life as a businessman like in 2019? What did the industry look like then, and what changed after the election of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
My life was very intense, just like that of any other businessman in Ukraine. To answer your question, we can divide it into two parts. I was involved in growing agricultural crops. I was involved in the purchase, trading, and export of agricultural products. I also conducted business in the medical equipment sector, specifically in the manufacturing of ambulances.

Corruption existed in Ukraine before Volodymyr Zelenskyy, but after he became president, it increased tenfold. Volodymyr Zelenskyy went into the elections with very noble slogans: that he would eradicate corruption, end cronyism, stop the appointment of friends and classmates, and remove back-room deals from Ukrainian politics. He promised to change the system.

However, of everything mentioned above, he did nothing for the country or for ordinary people. Under his leadership, corruption only grew and expanded its scale.

Sei einmal steil und werde FoBtimist.
Mach es legal - Spende jetzt - GaToR GFX -Adobe StockMach es legal - Spende jetzt - GaToR GFX -Adobe Stock

Question 2: First contact with the SBU

Alexander Surowiec:
Incredible. Your first contact with the system Zelensky. In December of 2019, you met Ivan Bakanov and then head of the Ukraine Security Service SBU and a close confidant of President Zelenskyy. Can you tell us how the first contact came over and out? And how was the collaboration developed from it? When did Andriy Naumov, the head of the main department of the International Security of the SBU, was first time appear in your life and in your story?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
Right after Volodymyr Zelensky was elected president, I was invited—along with many other businessmen—to the Security Service of Ukraine building, the main headquarters on Volodymyrska Street in Kyiv. Both Andriy Naumov and Ivan Bakanov were present at that meeting. However, I had already known Andriy Naumov from before, back when he worked at the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine. At this meeting, I was told that I would have to provide a certain amount of financial assistance to the Security Service of Ukraine to ensure that I wouldn’t face any obstacles to my business.

Immediately, this Assistance took the form of buying furniture for the Security Service of Ukraine, then buying furniture for Ivan Bakanov’s private home, then an apartment for Andriy Naumov, then cars, armored cars.

Question 3: SBU Extortion in the Grain Business

Alexander Surowiec:
This is wow. So how did the SBU influence work of the grain business? Many listeners don’t quite understand how the SBU chief and his right hand man actually was influence of the completely normal grain export business. After all, the SBU doesn’t issue any official export licenses. So can you explain why is this possible step by step? What exactly was the return service to make payments and why other entrepreneurs, as you said before, were supposed to make it? Why did these deals even need to be protected? And what was the customs or the storage facilities, ports, sanctions from the National Security and Defence Council? Or was it something else.

Serhiy Vahanyan:
For civilized Europe, this is incomprehensible. How can such lawlessness flourish in corrupt Ukraine, the most corrupt country in the world? In Ukraine, the law enforcement agencies are so rotten — particularly the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) — that they have turned these institutions into a ‚limited liability company.‘ The Security Service in Ukraine is engaged in extorting businesses, creating artificial difficulties for the economy, bribery, racketeering, illegal activities, demanding money from businessmen, and corporate raiding.

Andriy Naumov and Ivan Bakanov formed an organized criminal group within the SBU. I have published evidence of this in the media through my numerous interviews. They were paid to ensure the SBU would not seize cargo. They were paid so the service would not conduct artificial inspections or give orders to other related agencies to block the work of a particular business or conduct searches based on fabricated reasons. They operated a system of pure extortion. The system of the Security Service is so decayed that corruption only continued to develop, spread, and multiply. Those who did not agree to pay them faced falsified criminal cases and were thrown into prison.

Those who publicly opposed them were physically liquidated. There are cases where people refused to pay Naumov and Bakanov, had their businesses taken away, and today, unfortunately, those people are dead. So that these are not just empty words, I have provided this evidence to the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) and have also made it public.

Question 4: On SBU Tax Payments

Alexander Surowiec:
Incredible the concrete mechanics of the tax. So you have publicly spoken about the subscription fees or protection money about percent 30 to 50% of the profit. Could it reach up to 10 millions per month as a $10 million per month? But how did it work? What was the practice? Was it monthly? Was it in cash? Or was it with luxury goods, furniture, jewelry or cars? And can you give us a concrete example for the listeners to understand how the payment works and the handover, how it looks like.

Serhiy Vahanyan:
Yes, I can. It worked as follows: Either Naumov or Bakanov would call me and say: ‚We know exactly how much grain you have loaded and sold this week, in these two weeks, or this month.‘ Whether it was corn, wheat, or barley—it didn’t matter—they also knew which ports were involved. Then they would say: ‚We expect you on such-and-such a date; you are to bring this much cash.‘

When I objected and said that I needed to pay taxes or conduct business officially via bank transfers, they clearly and explicitly forced me to handle everything in cash so that I wouldn’t pay taxes. I was told to sell for cash at the ports to exporters and traders—people and companies just like mine that are in the export business. In doing so, they ensured that foreign currency earnings did not flow back into the country.

Their wealth was then expressed through the purchase of real estate and luxury apartments in the center of Kyiv. It was evident in the purchase of expensive cars, including armored vehicles, which—just like the apartments—were registered in the names of relatives of the aforementioned individuals. It was visible in the purchase of jewelry. It was shown in the payment for private charter flights used by them and their families to travel across Europe. It manifested in the physical handover of cash.

I repeat: All of this evidence—the photos, documents, and videos I possess—has been published in my interviews, which can be seen on YouTube channels, and I have also presented them to the investigative commission of the Ukrainian Parliament. I brought the money directly to the Security Service of Ukraine, almost after every shipment of a large batch of grain from various Ukrainian ports. This system of extorting entrepreneurs is extremely widespread in Ukraine.

The mechanisms for obtaining these illicit benefits varied. Sometimes I was told who to give the money to—which driver or which person. Or SBU employees, subordinates of Bakanov and Naumov, would come directly to my offices in Kyiv or Odesa to collect the cash. I emphasize once again: This was not a voluntary initiative on my part. It was extortion under the pressure of threats, under the pretext of fabricated criminal prosecutions, and the impossibility of doing business in Ukraine at all. If I earned any money, I was forced to pay them because Ivan Bakanov and Andriy Naumov had unlimited influence over the entire law enforcement system in Ukraine with the help of Zelenskyy.

Question 5: Russian Agents in the SBU and Preparation for the 2022 Invasion

Alexander Surowiec:
You describe Ivan Bakanov as the courier to the top and Naumov as the operator who effectively ran the SBU. How did you personally have the experience with the dynamic? Who really made the decision? How was it possible? And there was a clear break in summer 21, an offer for the position as governor of Odessa in the region. And also that you don’t want to make it. Can you tell us exactly what happened at the time and how the situation changed afterwards?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
I can do that. In reality, Ivan Bakanov was simply the lawyer for ‚Kvartal 95‘. Just imagine this fantastic leap in his career. He did not even have a military rank that would qualify him to lead the Security Service of Ukraine, let alone manage it—or even set foot on its premises. He had no specialized education. He was simply a classmate of the President. They granted him the rank of lieutenant just so he could at least enter the SBU territory.

He led the SBU merely as a figurehead, nominally. Since Andriy Naumov—whom I had known before—worked in the General Prosecutor’s Office and had experience in law enforcement, Ivan Bakanov trusted him completely. Consequently, Andriy Naumov effectively ran the SBU single-handedly.

Andriy Naumov made the key decisions regarding appointments within the SBU, built the corruption schemes, and placed his own people as heads of the regional SBU departments. He fully controlled all the illegal cash flows that he forced his subordinates to collect. Andriy Naumov’s influence within the SBU was simply colossal. Ivan Bakanov, on the other hand, was just a tourist; he was not a leader of the service. He simply approved everything Naumov suggested—whether legal or illegal, it didn’t matter—and coordinated it all with the President. Bakanov acted as the communicator between the President and Andriy Naumov.

With Ivan Bakanov’s consent, Andriy Naumov has been filling key positions in the Security Service with Russian agents since 2019, collaborating closely with the FSB. The President could not have been unaware of this. Everything that happened within the SBU and how it has been dismantled since 2019 was the work of Naumov and Bakanov, with the silent consent of the President.

When the Russian invasion of Ukraine began in 2022, the whole world saw how easy it was for the Russian army in certain areas. This was because Naumov and Bakanov had prepared everything for the invasion. How were the Russians able to occupy the Chernobyl nuclear power plant? Before his appointment to the SBU, Andriy Naumov worked at the agency managing the Chernobyl exclusion zone. What happened during the occupation of Kherson? What happened in Kharkiv? What happened in Sumy and other cities? All of this was the work of Naumov and Bakanov—their assistance to the Russians.

Question 6: $20 Million Bribe Demand, Assassination Attempt & Escape to Austria

Alexander Surowiec:
Ladies and gentlemen. You heard it in real time. It is incredible. So then you said no. And after that you escaped. After that you had to leave Ukraine. What happened in the following months? You speak about the photos, the videos, the evidence and the handovers. What exactly did you.

Serhiy Vahanyan:
Naumov and Bakanov knew that my grain business was developing rapidly and that I needed some form of support in Odesa. What kind of support? Together with Viktor Dorovskoy the head of the SBU department in the Odesa region—who for some astonishing reason remains in office and was even promoted to general by President Zelenskyy—they proposed that I sell 90,000 tons of maize to a specific company. When I found out that this deal was dishonest and that they simply didn’t intend to pay me, I said I wouldn’t sell to these people because they were under sanctions by the National Security and Defense Council. Since I had previously received a persistent, forced offer to become the governor of the Odesa region, Naumov told me: ‚Look, you have to do this‘.

I told him again that I refused. Naumov then invited me to his so-called ‚contraband back-office‘ at night and told me I had to pay 20 million dollars to him and the ‚Director’—he pointed upwards—in exchange for becoming the governor of Odesa. I replied that I wouldn’t do it because I didn’t have that kind of money. I also told him I didn’t want to be governor; I wanted to run my business. He countered that I had passed all the interviews and had to be governor. Naumov said there was no way out for me anymore because all appointments had been coordinated by Ivan Bakanov with the President. I had to pay. I repeated that I didn’t have that much cash.

He told me: ‚You have 44 million dollars‚ worth of grain sitting in Ukrainian silos. You can sell it to this man here‘. The Ukrainian oligarch Vadym Yermolaev, who is currently under Security Council sanctions, was present at this meeting. Naumov pointed at him and said: ‚Sell to him, he gives us the money, and then you go on living your life‘. I asked again: ‚What am I paying for?‘ He answered: ‚For becoming the head of the Odesa region in a week‘. He added that no country in Europe would save me, that they could find and kill me anywhere, and that I could be extradited from anywhere. He said: ‚Just think it over very carefully‘. I told him I wasn’t going anywhere—and this time, I wouldn’t pay.

Before that, I had paid because I was intimidated and threatened. I have already provided evidence of this—videos, audio, and photos—in previous interviews. I told him that enough was enough, and I left. The next morning, Vadym Yermolaev called me and asked: ‚What have you decided?‘ I said I decided not to give anyone a single ton of my grain and not to pay anyone another cent. He just said: ‚Okay, fine.‘ Shortly after, an assassination attempt was made on me near my home. I was shot at. My bodyguards and the fact that I was wearing a bulletproof vest saved me. After that, they tried to strip me of my state protection and kidnap me.

I was forced to flee to Vienna, Austria, on the first available flight on September 16, 2021. Since most of my assets were registered in the name of my assistant, Maksym Boyko, the 44 million dollars‚ worth of grain was simply stolen—by Naumov, Bakanov, employees of the President’s Office, and the Ministry of Internal Affairs. I received threats demanding that I hand over my compromising material. My assistant knew that from a certain point on, I had ‚kompromat‚ on all these people: how they extorted me, how they took the money, and what for—documented with audio and video. They began to blackmail me. A criminal case was fabricated against me, alleging I had taken 5 million euros from a certain Mr. Ogrenko.

In his deposition, this man writes that he doesn’t remember where he met me. He says he didn’t hand over the money personally, not to me for sure, and he doesn’t remember who in my circle supposedly received it; he also doesn’t remember who gave a receipt in my name for these 5 million euros. Other points claim I signed further receipts and took more money. Within two days, I was placed on an international wanted list, and the case in Ukraine was suspended. No one investigated. To this day, the case files have not been provided to my lawyers. In Ukraine, they tried to kill my wife, tried to kidnap her, and my father-in-law was abducted to find out my location.

They completely falsified the criminal case. That is the situation—that is how my life changed in a single day.

Question 7: Evidence to NABU, 40 Days in Austrian Jail & Fresh Assassination Attempts

Alexander Surowiec:
Ladies and gentlemen, you heard it from the first row. So now I will ask what happened after that? So after this threat and your escape, what happened with the material and what you had done with the documents whom you handed out? And in the meantime, the National Anti-Corruption Bureau (NABU) get the material – the FBI International or only NABU?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
After I left Ukraine, this criminal prosecution and the constant threats hung over me like a shadow. My family and I were permanently blackmailed; I was told that they would not leave me alone, that they would find me, liquidate me, extradite me, or arrest me—and so on and so forth. The Ukrainian authorities did not respond in any way to the lawful actions of my Ukrainian lawyers. They simply continued this politically motivated criminal prosecution.

At the end of 2022, I was finally arrested by the police in Austria and spent 40 days in so-called extradition custody. Ukraine provided no documents, which testifies to the political motivation of my criminal prosecution. I simply know too much. The true reason for my persecution is the ‚kompromat‚ and the information I possess regarding their corrupt activities.

Now, following the refusal of my extradition, the WKStA (Central Prosecution Service for Business Crimes and Corruption) has opened a criminal case and begun investigating the facts set out in the Ukrainian criminal proceedings against me. For two years, Ukraine has provided no documents. Ukraine is sabotaging requests for international legal assistance, sending incomplete or incorrect data, while simultaneously fabricating more and more new cases against me on Ukrainian territory. However, as far as I and my Austrian lawyer know, Ukraine will finally provide the original documents so that we can conduct an independent expert analysis here in Austria. I have great faith in the independent Austrian justice system and am very grateful for their objectivity, though I believe Ukraine will continue to stall and sabotage this process.

Together with my Ukrainian lawyers, I have also conducted expert examinations of the documents according to which I allegedly took out loans. These examinations clearly confirm that these are not my signatures and not my handwriting. Nevertheless, this does not stop the Ukrainian authorities from blackmailing me and continuing their political criminal prosecution.

In recent years, there were also further attempts on my life. On May 18, 2024, an assassination attempt was carried out against me with the help of the former Chairman of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine, Oleksandr Tupytskyi, ordered by the Office of the President of Ukraine. In November 2025, Ukraine served me with a new suspicion: that I allegedly failed to deliver goods worth 23 million dollars to a certain person in 2021. Again, I must say that no investigative actions were carried out in Ukraine regarding this. I do not know where they get these claimants, as I do not even know the people who say I allegedly owe them money.

The fact that I finally succeeded in Ukraine, after four years, in being recognized as a victim in the case where I allegedly took 5 million euros via a receipt, is a prime example of how they deal with ‚unwanted‘ individuals in Ukraine.

Question 8: Evidence to NABU & FBI – Zelenskyy’s Inner Circle is Criminal

Alexander Surowiec:
This is a good point. I will ask you to that over the years the Ukraine justice system has been under criticism and you criticize it actual in your opinion, how does it actually function in practice? Today you speak about the Austrian justice, but have a look on Ukraine. Does it enjoy the trust of the population? And personally, can you expect a correct, fair investigation? Or as you told the freedmen, is any possibility in case you were to return to Ukraine?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
I would like to add two more points to that question. After the new suspicions were served to me in November and they began conducting searches of everyone connected to me—acquaintances, former relatives, and my ex-wife in Ukraine—I had no other choice but to go public. I had to provide evidence of their corruption and prove why they are persecuting me politically and criminally without any basis.

I say openly that they, together with President Zelenskyy, are criminals and that the Ukrainian corruption system is rotten to the core. The judicial system is rotten, the law enforcement system is rotten. There is nothing like this anywhere else in the civilized world or in Europe. Therefore, I was forced to provide evidence, even if only partially for now.

I gave part of the evidence to the National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU). I also sent partial evidence by email to the FBI in the United States. Currently, a criminal case is being conducted in Ukraine based on the facts I presented regarding corruption in the highest echelons of power.

This concerns corruption in the SBU, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, and the Office of the President—within Zelenskyy’s innermost circle. They know what is happening in the country, they see how his circle is stealing, and they allow them to do it. Europe provides aid to Ukraine; European taxpayers pay their money and send it to the war to help the country. While Zelenskyy asks for money all over Europe with an outstretched hand, his entire circle is stealing. NABU is currently conducting an investigation into these facts.

Question 9: NABU & SAP Sabotaged by Zelenskyy’s Inner Circle

Alexander Surowiec:
In summary, we will now go directly to NABU and SAP. You mentioned NABU before, and the Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP) is part of key reform projects and is very important in this case. But do you trust them? And how are the investigations in your specific case proceeding so far, given they started this year? What do you think about that? Is there hope for NABU and SAP in terms of impartiality, speed, and consistent punishment for those responsible?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
Look, reforms for NABU and SAP are currently being considered in Ukraine for one simple reason: because the President and his inner circle, who are stealing money, want to destroy these institutions. Following the scandal involving the theft of European funds in the energy sector—the ‚Tymur Mindich‚ scandal—Mindich, a friend of the President, left Ukraine without hindrance. Meanwhile, the detective who investigated his case was thrown into prison. To the civilized world, this is nonsense.

I believe that the Ukrainian government is preventing NABU and SAP from doing their jobs. If the government did not interfere, 99% of our government in Ukraine would already be in prison. Regarding my case: I have handed over the materials and I strongly hope for an objective investigation. I know that NABU and SAP are being obstructed and that they are under pressure. I am participating in the interrogations, and I am ready to continue providing materials.

I stand for an independent, civilized investigation. I want the guilty parties to be punished according to the laws of Ukraine, despite the fact that they tried to kill me, put me in prison, and continue to illegally persecute me to this day. I want a fair, civilized investigation. I believe these are the only bodies in Ukraine today that are trying to fight corruption within the Office of the President and the President’s inner circle.

I hope that there will soon be official charges and fair court sentences. I am ready to speak about this publicly; I am ready to speak about it to all of Europe. I am ready to provide evidence because I want to use my example to show how the corruption system works in Ukraine. And I am not just saying this; I am saying it while providing concrete evidence.

Question 10: Naumov Still Has Influence – Austrian Criminal Complaint & Ongoing Threats

Alexander Surowiec:
So this is a system. Naumov was in the focus. This means the system is until today. So what does it mean in the situation for today? Naumov still has influence in Ukraine? And here in Austria, you have filed a criminal complaint against him. So how the Austrian authorities, like the WKStA, have responded? And can you tell us how quickly and professionally was the situation and how they handled it here? Yeah. And now to your personal security and the threats. Why are you going public now with all this right now at the beginning, 2026? What prompted you to do so? And how you deal with your own safety today, especially here in Austria, you talked about the attempts of attack.

Serhiy Vahanyan:
Yes, I am in danger, but in relative safety. Why did I turn to the public in 2026? First: at the end of 2025, I was served with a new suspicion. I was not allowed to participate in the court hearings regarding my pre-trial detention. They began to threaten me again. I repeat, this all happened after I became a victim in Ukraine in the case involving the alleged appropriation of 5 million euros.

I realized they wouldn’t stop—not the SBU, not the President’s Office, nor the Prosecutor General’s Office. I published recordings where I am threatened and told that the Prosecutor General personally gave the order to imprison me. I know that they wanted to kidnap me. I had no choice but to turn to the public and expose this entire corrupt legal lawlessness—first in Ukraine, and now with your help, in Europe.

President Zelenskyy and his circle have simply chosen a strategy of silence. This is a very loud corruption scandal in Ukraine, and he remains silent and does not react, even though in April 2022, he personally promised me an objective investigation. Now, there is no reaction. After my interviews in January, I know that a group of special forces from Ukraine was sent here to kidnap me and deliver me to the territory of Ukraine. I am under 24/7 round-the-clock protection. Yes, I am in danger. Together with my lawyers, I have informed the main police department about this. I hope that Austria will be able to protect me.

Question 11: Final Message to Ukraine – Stop Being Silent

Alexander Surowiec:
Ladies and gentlemen, a real incredible story. What I want is now from you. Tell in the camera, please. What do you hope and how will come over the story at the end? What message would you like to give to your fellow Ukraine citizens?

Serhiy Vahanyan:
Look, I hope that this story ends justly and according to the law. I hope that the people in President Zelenskyy’s innermost circle will face fair punishment. I hope and firmly believe that no one will obstruct the investigations by NABU and SAP into the corruption schemes of Zelenskyy’s closest associates. I hope that my cooperation with these bodies, as well as with European authorities in the investigation of criminal cases—both regarding me and these individuals—will be objective and result in fair verdicts.

I hope that this criminal power, which has currently seized Ukraine and is stealing European and American aid, will face just punishment. As for my fellow citizens, naturally, I want to wish them only one thing: that they stop being silent. Because there are hundreds, thousands of cases like mine across Ukraine. They are being illegally persecuted just as I am, because these people currently hold the power.

I emphasize once again that I am ready to speak the truth. I am ready to share information, to give testimony, and to prove that I am right. I want the whole world to see what the corrupt law enforcement system in Ukraine is really like.

Thank you very much.

The Other Perspective: Fass ohne Boden has officially and in writing confronted both the Office of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy and the Prosecutor General’s Office of Ukraine. In two detailed inquiries dispatched yesterday, we requested a clear statement regarding the allegations made by Serhiy Vahanyan.

Furthermore, the President’s Office is being asked directly whether Zelenskyy personally spoke with Vahanyan on the phone and promised an investigation—and what the outcome of that promise has been.

  • What investigations are being conducted by NABU, SAP, or other authorities regarding the described extortion system within the SBU?
  • What is the current status of these proceedings? Does the Prosecutor’s Office possess the photographic and video evidence provided by Vahanyan, and has it been reviewed?
  • Have proceedings already been initiated against Ivan Bakanov or Andriy Naumov?

The presumption of innocence applies to all persons mentioned in this article.

Glossary:

  • NABU: The National Anti-Corruption Bureau of Ukraine (NABU) was established in 2015 as a central authority. It is responsible for preventing, detecting, terminating, investigating, and solving corruption offenses committed by high-ranking officials that pose a threat to national security.
  • SAP: The Specialized Anti-Corruption Prosecutor’s Office (SAP) is an independent structural unit of the Prosecutor General’s Office. It oversees NABU investigations, handles prosecutions in corruption cases, and represents the interests of the state or citizens in court for corruption-related matters.
  • SBU: The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) is the central domestic intelligence agency and a military formation under the direct supervision of the President. Its primary tasks include counter-intelligence, combating terrorism and organized crime, and protecting national sovereignty, the constitutional order, and state secrets.
  • Serhiy Vahanyan: Serhiy Vahanyan is a Ukrainian entrepreneur in the agricultural, grain, and medical technology sectors. Since January 2026, he has publicly raised serious allegations regarding a systematic extortion scheme within the SBU.
  • Volodymyr Zelenskyy: Volodymyr Zelenskyy has been the President of Ukraine since May 2019. The former actor and comedian won the election with the promise to fight corruption and renew Ukrainian politics.
  • Ivan Bakanov: Ivan Bakanov served as the Head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) from 2019 until July 2022. He is considered a long-standing close confidant and friend of President Volodymyr Zelenskyy from their time together at the production company Kvartal 95.
  • Andriy Naumov: Under Ivan Bakanov, Andriy Naumov was the Head of the Main Directorate of Internal Security of the SBU and was considered Bakanov’s primary right-hand man. He was later confronted with allegations of corruption and abuse of office and subsequently left Ukraine.

Sources:

Share This Article
Keine Kommentare

Meistgelesen

Gönn dir